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Vol. II September 15, 1909 No. 1 


TION; Shall Education Equip Men as Machines or as 
Citizens of an Industrial Society, by Prof. Frank T. 

ORIGIN, by May Wood-Simons. 

GRECO-ROMAN WORLD, by Prof. W. A. Old- 
father . 

HISTORY, by A. M. Simons. 

Prof. Louis W. Rapeer. 

EDITORIAL — A Crisis in Education — Some Current History. 







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under the act of March 3, 1879. 

VOL. II. SEPTEMBER 15, 1909 NO. 1 

The Social Demands of Modern 

Shall Education Equip Men as Machines or as Citizens 
of an Industrial Society? 

By Prof. Frank T. Carlton, 
Albion College. 

The educational field is not a peculiar fenced-in area, separated 
from other social sciences by distinct lines of demarcation. The 
great problems in education are similar in origin to many political 
and economic problems of the day, and require similar treatment. 
Categorical imperatives, cultural abstractions, class and race preju- 
dices, red tape and the dead weight of the authority of tradition 
have no more place in education than in the political or the eco- 
nomic field. Like the questions of corporate regulation and taxa- 
tion, of pure food and of the conservation of natural resources, the 
decision as to the proper sphere and content of educational work 
involves a delicate adjustment between the claims of society and of 
the individual members of society. The relative weight which 
should be given these two more or less conflicting demands is far 
different in the America of the twentieth century than in the 
America of the farmer frontiersman. It is here unnecessary to 
dwell upon the many obvious and hidden industrial and social 
changes of recent generations. The key to the solution of educa- 
tional problems, however, will be found only through a careful study 
of these transformations. Recent writers and investigators have 
repeatedly presented the concept that society, in a much larger 
measure than any given individual, is responsible for the existence 
of dislike of school work, inefficiency, ill-health and criminality 
among the children of the nation. 

2 The Progressive Journal of Education 

More vital to the American people than tariff revision, work- 
ingmen's insurance, child labor legislation, pure food laws or the 
conservation of natural resources is the conservation and efficient 
utilization of the ability and energy of the boys and girls of the 
land. In the light of modern social and industrial progress, the 
proper evaluation of educational methods and ideals is a basic 
social need. Modern sociology, repudiating the implications of the 
classical economists, is making man, not property, the center of its 
system. Human rights are held to be primary; property rights, 
secondary. The maintenance of a standard of living is at least as 
important and as commendable as the acquisition of additional dol- 
lars. Society from this higher viewpoint sees a new, yet old, vision. 
It reads, as if in large type, that the greatest wealth of any nation 
is bound up in its citizenship; and its citizenship is chiefly a social 

If it is held up in the foreground and allowed to obscure the 
vision, the presentation of abstract educational ideals and values is a 
futile process, a mere pleasing, soul-soothing balm. The funda- 
mental educational, as well as political and economic, problem re- 
lates to the development of healthy, vigorous, efficient, normal mem- 
bers of society. The great problem of the present era is to uni- 
versalize opportunity for decent, healthy and comfortable living; it 
is to give each and every child the heritage of a child — decent home 
surroundings, sufficient and suitable food, opportunity to play, and 
a chance to use hands and brains in some form of constructive work. 
The solution of this basic problem may involve school dining rooms, 
domestic science laboratories, industrial training playgrounds, va- 
cation schools, payment for school attendance, and also other social 
reforms which fall outside the purely educational sphere; but these 
are the fundamental educational requirements. 

With this understanding as to the prime essentials, we may 
now justly, conscientiously and rationally ask: What is the proper 
standard for the determination of values in pedagogical science? 
How may the educational value of a given subject or method be 
determined? Methods and values change, of course, with the age 
and development of the child. Physiology and psychology must 
aid in the determination of appropriate methods. But outside and 
beyond the mere technical details in regard to furnishing materials 
in the proper form and at the appropriate time for the average in- 
dividual lies the broader, but often neglected, task of shaping our 
educational ideals and values to fit conditions in the industrial and 
social world. As generation succeeds generation, as century treads 
upon the heels of century, social, political and industrial relations 
are transformed. The meaning and the scope of such terms as 
morality, law, justice, liberty, patriotism and nation change with the 
world's progress. In like manner are the meaning and the scope 

The Progressive Journal of Education 3 

of education changed. There is no fixed and cosmopolitan defini- 
tion for any one of these familiar terms. Industrial organization 
quietly forces its peculiar impress upon each and all. 

In democratic America, in a land of poverty, wealth and mixed 
nationalities, in an era of trusts, dynamos and labor unions, in an 
epoch which will be marked in history as transitional in regard to 
social and economic relations, in a period when education means 
preparation for life's activities, what from the standpoint of a 
student of social science are some of the important educational 
ideals — ideals which are essential when measured by the social 
standard or criterion of educational values? 

(1) Education should be primarily vocational, rather than cul- 
tural. The school should prepare for activity rather than for 
leisure. Education ought to be a systematically organized process 
for putting the right man in the right place, for bringing to the 
surface and developing the latent possibilities of each and every 
child, rich or poor, black or white. Each child is a peculiar and 
unique bit of plastic human material, and ought finally to fit in 
some particular part of the world's mechanism. Many investigators 
are telling the American people of the enormous losses due to tuber- 
culosis, typhoid fever and other diseases, and of the fearful wastes 
due to accidents, intemperance and other preventable ills. More 
attention should be given to the great waste in efficiency, pro- 
ductiveness and happiness due to the stunting of the individuality, 
the loss of spontaneity and the diminution of the efficiency of the 
student in the average crowded class-room of today. It should be 
one of the most important duties of the school to ascertain the 
capabilities of each child and to point out, in a general way, to each 
child the kind of work for which he or she is adapted. The loss 
to the world twenty-five years hence because we are aiming to make 
third-rate lawyers of persons who might be first-class mechanics, 
and clerks of those who might be high-grade chemists, is very 
great. Educational misfits and inefficient educational mechanism 
are costly. We are sorely in need of a statistician who will place 
the matter before us in dollars and cents. Let it be clearly under- 
stood, however, that no plea is here made for any artificial system 
which will lead to deepening or continuing class demarcations. The 
products of the school ought to be standardized or rigidly divided 
into classes and grades ; each child ought to bear the mark of indi- 
viduality. This means smaller classes, better teachers, less red- 
tape, more money and more efficient graduates. In short, the 
school should be a studio, not a factory ; but at the present moment 
the factory method seems to be gaining ground. Unless the re- 
formers and the masses call a halt, our schools will be commer- 
cialized. The city schools of this republic are gradually and insidi- 
ously becoming standardized, large-scale brain-cramming and indi- 

4 The Progressive Journal of Education 

viduality-stuiiting factories. The demand for a "business adminis- 
tration" must be resisted in the name of educational science and of 
racial efficiency. Educational reformers must turn economists. 
Revenues can be adequately increased by diverting monopoly gains 
from the pockets of private individuals into the public treasury. 

A recent criticism of the German systems of education is ap- 
plicable in presenting this weakness in our educational system — a 
defect which an important and powerful element in our population 
is attempting to clothe with honor and dignity. The German sys- 
tems of education "are incomparable so far as their purpose is the 
production of scholars and teachers, or of officials and functionaries 
to move the cranks, turn the screws, gear the pulleys and oil the 
wheels of the complicated national machinery"; but they "are far 
from being equally successful in making of character and indi- 
viduality." This is a system the spirit of which calls for the com- 
mercialization of the public schools. This is the sort of school 
system whose north star is business and profits, not individual de- 
velopment and human brotherhood. The potent push toward such 
a lop-sided system comes from business demands and class inter- 
ests, and is partially, at least, antagonistic to the broader ideal of 
social welfare and racial progress. We who do not manage ma- 
chinery, direct commercial enterprises or manipulate the stock mar- 
kets, we whose eyes are not constantly focused upon the industrial 
prowess and trade acuteness of the American directors of big busi- 
nesses, can more or less definitely see the deadening effect of fac- 
tory methods in the school house; and we can see that in order to 
be in accord with democratic ideals the fascinating economic lure 
which has hypnotized the employers of labor must be subordinated 
to the demands of social good and racial efficiency. It is high time 
that~bur educators, our students of social problems, our working- 
men, our farmers and our professional classes stand forth boldly 
and contest the right of big business to direct the educational and 
political affairs of the nation. The fanaticism and the short-sighted- 
ness of industrialism is daily becoming more dangerous and deadly 
to the race and nation. 

(2) The ideal school of the present and of the immediate fu- 
ture is not that of a tiresome place where students congregate more 
or less willingly to listen, to study and to be repressed. The school 
should be a hive of activity. It should be a place where practical 
and personal experience is broadened and made intelligible. The 
school must become a workshop, a studio and a center of refining 
and ennobling influences. The ideal school, primary, secondary 
or collegiate, is one to which students come, not one to which they 
are sent. In the school of the future, more will be made of the 
first-hand experiences of the students. Mere book study and mem- 
ory drill will be given a subordinate place. Each individual has his 

The Progressive Journal of Education 5 

own problems, his own interests, his own likes and dislikes. To 
work along the oft-mentioned line of least resistance we must utilize 
these individual experiences and peculiarities. This necessitates 
reliance in no small measure upon the laboratory method, and a 
close connection between theory and practice, between class-room 
and the busy outside world. Again, educational science is begin- 
ning to evaluate, as it should, according to the social standard, pre- 
cept above preaching, character above outward conventional con- 
formity, good environment and good example above strict rules of 
conduct, the warm heart above the iron hand. 

(3) Human relations in the present age are characterized by 
increasing interdependence and co-operation. The members of this 
great nation, yea, of the globe, are knit together and inter-related, 
industrially, politically and socially as never before. World mar- 
kets, division of labor, aggregated industry and consolidated rail- 
ways, are making social and industrial democracy an inevitable out- 
come. The study of industrial and social progress shows clearly 
that the educational system ought to exert its influence to break 
down class demarcations. If it lives up to its social mission, the 
school must stand firm for equality of opportunity; and it must 
teach respect for manual labor. Under present conditions to ef- 
fectively present the ideal of the dignity of labor and of service is 
very difficult; but it will become increasingly easy. Today few 
can attain positions of great wealth. Wealth getting through the 
exploitation of natural resources and the subdual of natural forces 
is withheld from the great majority of the eager and ambitious 
youth of the land. As a consequence, the social ideal of service to 
humanity is beginning to replace the familiar individualistic ideal 
of personal attainment of wealth. For example, a college president, 
addressing the graduating class of 1909, proudly pointed to the fact 
that few, if any, graduates of that institution were men or women 
receiving large incomes. The youth lives upon ideals. Block the 
way to a sordid and individualistic goal, and behold, he turns eager- 
ly and passionately toward a social goal — the uplift of struggling 

If the educational system of our country is to be a potent factor 
in bringing about social betterment through peaceful, rather than 
violent, means, it must emphasize those ideals which lead to useful 
industry rather than idle parasitism, which point to service to hu- 
manity rather than wealth accumulation. The school must unre- 
servedly teach that the idlers and the useless workers are parasites, 
and that the idle rich are at least as dangerous as are the idle poor. 
If education is approaching a scientific basis, it ought to be able 
to discover and to measure the social inertia which carries aristo- 
cratic medievalism down into an age of nominal democratic indus- 

6 The Progressive Journal of Education 

(4) The school should reach workers as well as non-workers. 
Education and industry once went hand in hand; through the 
introduction of manual training we are attempting to again unite 
them. But the vital need of the present is education for those 
who are forced to enter our shops, stores and offices without coming 
into contact with the training which our schools ought to give in 
science, history (not chronology) and literature. The ideal school 
of the future will not close its doors in the face of the worker as 
the whirling wheels of the factory stop, the click of the typewriter 
ceases, and the constant hum of the cash carrier dies away. No 
educational system which does not aim to reach young workers as 
well as those who are not obliged to early earn their daily bread 
is worthy of high rank in the present era. The public schools have 
not adequately provided for the educational needs of the young 
workers ; this work has been largely left to the private correspond- 
ence schools and the Y. M. C. A. night schools. In preceding 
centuries the burden bearers of the race were considered to be un- 
worthy of an education. Because of social inertia and class de- 
marcations, our ideas in regard to the proper scope of a public 
school system are still influenced and colored by the old prejudices 
against the wage earner. The high school, the continuation school, 
the college and the university ought to stand ready to help any one 
in the community in any important line of study or of investigation. 
The school system should be for "any one, anywhere, any time." 

(5) The true function of education is to be a social directive 
agent, and to reduce social maladjustments; or, in other words, to 
be the trusted servant of sociology. The final and only stable 
standard of educational values is sociological. Heretofore, educa- 
tional advance has lagged behind social progress. Science is gath- 
ering data for directive, purposive social action; and it is the func- 
tion of sociology, the science of human society, to reduce the fric- 
tion which retards and ofttimes temporarily diverts the onward 
march of human progress. Since sociology is still distant from a 
true scientific basis, education must also remain in a measure un- 
scientific. Only general rules can be laid down ; and men having 
different ideals and class interests must necessarily differ in regard 
to them. No one is justified, however, in condemning or approv- 
ing an educational process or method because it is old or because it 
is new. Each and every educational method and ideal, old or new, 
must be constantly subjected to careful and unbiased scrutiny from 
two dissimilar standpoints — that of psychology and that of so- 
ciology. The educator, let it be repeated, who overlooks one or 
both of these criterions stands condemned in the light of modern 
scientific and historical knowledge. He has not grasped the funda- 
mentals of pedagogical science. His place is in the machine shop 
or the counting room, not in the school. 

The Progressive Journal of Education 

Planetesimal Theory of the Earth's 


By May Wood-Simons, Ph. B. 

[EDITORIAL NOTE— This is the first of a series of six pa- 
pers dealing with the newest discoveries and theories in the domains 
of science and philosophy. Chemistry will be the subject next 
month, while Biology, Psychology and Economics will folloiv. The 
last paper will be on "The Philosophy of Education/'] 

An eminent scientist once made the statement that all living, 
vital knowledge is in the minds of men and that by the time it is 
printed in books it has already become antiquated. This remark 

, is at least illustrative of the rapid advance 

that science is making- through new dis- 

The planetesimal theory of the origin 
of the solar system has but recently been 
set forth in book form and though no doubt 
it will be greatly modified as later investi- 
gations are made, it is at present a working 
JB basis for the majority of scientists. 
1I& Jt There are but four groups of men 
whose opinions on this subject carry any 
weight. These are the astronomers, the 
physicists. The astronomers are impor- 
tant because they have investigated solar systems with the best 
astronomical apparatus so far devised; the geologists because their 
studies of the earth have thrown light on its origin and its process 
of growth; the mathematicians because the question to be discussed 
involves complex mathematical computations ; the physicists because 
of their knowledge of matter and the laws of energy. 

Until recently the theory of the origin of the solar system as 
formulated by Laplace and known as the Nebular Hypothesis has 
been accepted by scientists. To make the planetesimal theory clear 
it seems advisable to briefly state the main points of the older 
theory and the objections that have been urged against it. 

The nebular hypothesis presupposed a gaseous globe in the 
heavens, the substances of which, as the gases gradually cooled, 
came together in crusted masses, forming what are now the planets, 
while the central residue remained and constituted what is now the 
sun. This gaseous globe extended, of course, beyond the present 
orbit of Neptune, which is the farthest planet from the sun. As to 

8 The Progressive Journal of Education 

the origin of this gaseous globe, it was believed to have arisen 
through the collision of two large bodies. The globe, it was held, 
was in a condition of extreme heat and the gases were greatly rari- 
fied, owing to the intense heat. The planets were supposed to have 
been formed in this manner: 

The gaseous globe was rotating in the same direction as the 
present solar system, and as it rotated it lost its heat by radiation 
and consequently contracted, which increased the speed of rotation. 
Now two forces, the centripetal and the centrifugal, were holding 
the gaseous substance in place. But with the cooling and shrinking 
of the gaseous globe, attended by greater speed of rotation, there 
came a point when the increased centrifugal force at the equator 
equaled the centripetal force. When this point was reached the 
outer gaseous matter at the equator would cease to contract and 
the remainder of the globe, continuing to cool and contract, would 
draw away from it, leaving a ring. This ring in turn would cool 
and contract, then break at the weakest point, and the entire sub- 
stance finally draw together in a mass which would grow denser 
and denser until it would become solid. In this manner, it was 
argued, all the planets were made, Neptune, the farthest, first, and 
all the rest in their turn. 

The planets, in their turn, while cooling and contracting, it was 
held, threw of! other rings that collected themselves each into a 
smaller spheroid known as a satellite or moon. 

This theory, thus briefly stated, presents various difficulties. 
First, it is not believed that the equatorial matter would have sep- 
arated in definite rings from the larger gaseous globe, but rather 
would have been left behind in disk shapes. Neither is it believed 
that rings of gas would have collected into spheroids so easily as 
the theory supposed. 

While there are several other objections, there is one that is 
most serious. There is a law in physics that the momentum of a 
rotating system remains the same, no matter what internal changes 
take place in it, provided nothing affects it from without. 

Professor Moulton, astronomer at the University of Chicago, 
has shown that if the solar system were to be converted into a gase- 
ous spheroid so expanded as to fill Neptune's orbit and distributed 
in density so as to conform to the laws of gases (and if the mo- 
mentum now possessed by the solar system be given to it), it would 
not have a rate of rotation sufficient to detach matter from its equa- 
tor, and it would not acquire such a rate until it had contracted 
well within the orbit of the innermost planet. 

The planetesimal theory of the origin of the solar system was 
developed by Professor Thomas C. Chamberlain, head of the de- 
partment of geology at the University of Chicago. He was greatly 

The Progressive Journal of Education 9 

assisted in his investigations by Dr. F. R. Moulton, head of the de 
partment of astronomy at the same institution. 

The development of the theory has been much aided by the per- 
fection of photography that enabled the investigators to secure more 
accurate data as to the real form of nebulae. The examination of 
many hundreds of photographs of nebulae show that they are spiral 
in form and characterized by the presence of two arms, as is shown 
in the accompanying photograph. These arms arise from opposite 
sides of the nucleus and curve concentrically away. Further ex- 

Photograph of Nebula, Showing Its Two Arms 

animation discloses numerous nebulous knots or- partial concentra- 
tions on these arms. 

We will now consider the origin of these nebulae according to 
the planetesimal theory. There are probably at least 100,000,000 
suns in our galaxy of suns. Besides these suns there are numerous 
dark bodies — bodies without heat and light. All of these are mov- 
ing in various directions with various velocities. Under these con- 
ditions there is strong probability that these bodies will at times col- 
lide and still greater probability that there will be many times when 
bodies will closely approach each other. These approaches will not 
only be between suns, but between suns, which are fluid, and dark 
bodies, which are solid. 

Now as to the effect of such approaches of two bodies, one of 
which is a sun. The substance of a sun is in a condition of enor- 

10 The Progressive Journal of Education 

mous elasticity. Our present sun shoots out protuberances to the 
height of many thousands of miles. These protuberances move at 
velocities reaching up to 300 miles and more a second. 

Suppose now that, with its forces thus evenly balanced, the sun 
is approached by a body larger than itself, perhaps many times as 
great in mass. When this happens the gravity that has restrained 
the elastic power of the sun's substance will be reduced along the 
line of mutual attraction. 

Just as in the case of the tides, there will be protuberances on 
both sides of the sun. These protuberances on opposite sides fur- 
nish the explanation for the presence of two opposite arms in the 
spiral nebulae. If the approaching body is very great in mass, the 
sun may be disrupted. 

The knots of solar nebula are supposed to be the nuclei about 
which gather the planetesimals to form the future planets. 

The planets then were not originally hot gaseous rings that, 
contracting, formed intensely heated gaseous spheroids, as the neb- 
ular hypothesis presupposed, but are due to the aggregation, about 
the knots of the nebula as nuclei, of finely divided solid or liquid 
matter. That the matter was solid or liquid, and probably mostly 
solid, is borne out by the continuous spectra of spiral nebulae. It is 
also conceivable that the innumerable solid or liquid particles which 
the continuous spectrum implies revolved about the common center 
of gravity as though they were planetoidal bodies. 

The gathering-in of the planetesimals in the forming of the 
planets was due to the crossing of their elliptical orbits in the course 
of their inevitable s-hiftings. 

The earth was not once, as the majority of geologists believed 
during the past century, a molten ball that gradually through cooling 
formed a crust covering the entire surface, but even after the form- 
ing of the crust having a temperature of over 2,500 degrees F. 
All the water of the globe, so runs the older theory, was still con- 
tained in the hot gases that enveloped the molten ball. 

According to the planetesimal theory, the earth has grown 
from probably a much smaller mass by the aggregation of smaller 
bodies that gathered into it. These smaller bodies may have been 
cold. It is probable that the earth, instead of beginning as an in- 
tensely heated body, has instead had a slowly rising internal tem- 
perature, rising as the mass increased and the consequent pressure 
at the center grew greater. 

The hot envelope of gases of the nebular hypothesis gives way 
to a probable time when the earth had no atmosphere at all, when it 
was too small to hold gases. That is the present condition of the 
moon, which has no atmosphere because it is not large enough to 
hold gases. Such was once the condition of the earth. When it 
was about half its present size it began to hold an atmosphere. It 

The Progress ve Journal of Education 1 1 

then had sufficient mass to control the Hying molecules of atmos- 
pherical material. Just what the mass of a body must be to hold 
an atmosphere is not exactly known. It is known, however, that 
the moon has no such atmosphere and no body smaller than the 
moon holds gases. 

The theory of the origin of the atmosphere according to the 
older hypothesis is well known. Its origin under the planetesimal 
theory presents many points of difference. When the earth had 
reached a point in its mass growth sufficient to control the molecules 
of atmospheric materials there were two sources from which these 
could be supplied. 

First, there was an external source. The collision of the grow- 
ing earth with particles of atmospheric material, so soon as it wais 
able to hold them by gravity, was one source of the atmosphere. 
Another was the internal source. As the planetesimals were gath- 
ered into the earth they carried some gases with them. Atmospheric 
material was thus built into the earth itself. These gases were 
given forth later and fed the atmosphere. 

While the manner of the origin of the spiral nebula is an inter- 
esting part of the planetesimal hypothesis, the vital thing in the 
theory is the proof that the scattered nebular material revolves 
around the central mass in elliptical orbits. 

It is conceived that the nebula is due to a combination of an 
outward and rotatory motion which, while giving a spiral form to 
the whole, is believed to have given to each individual planetesimal 
an elliptical orbit about the common center. The proofs of this 
involve mathematical computations that it is unnecessary to go 
into here. 

To men of science the formulation of this new theory of the 
earth's origin is of much importance. Numerous pages of geology 
must be rewritten, as many of its conclusions have rested on some 
hypothesis of the earth's origin. The astronomers, too, will find 
much new material to handle now that apparatus has enabled them 
to examine more closely other solar systems even now in the process 
of making. 

Fortunately there is among many scientists a real spirit of 
investigation that does not hesitate at change of views when facts 
make such change necessary, and the planetesimal theory has met 
with comparatively little opposition. 

There are probably not a dozen scientists today whose opinions 
have weight who have not accepted it. 

12 The Progressive Journal of Education 

Social Conditions and Theories in 
the Grseco- Roman World 

By W. A. Oldfather, 

Associate Professor of Classics, University of Illinois. 

The General Problem 

[EDITORIAL NOTE — This series of papers will appear con- 
secutively in the Progressive Journal throughout the second vol- 

There appeared not long ago a cartoon in one of our daily 
papers in which, arrayed among the forces opposed to progress, the 
head of one of our great eastern institutions of learning was cari- 
catured clad in academic garb and holding under his arm a huge 
tome inscribed "Ancient History." I select this incident as per- 
fectly typical of a widespread, indeed, almost universal prejudice, 
which assumes that the study of the past is unfavorable or at least 
unrelated to a progressive frame of mind and wide sympathies with 
the duties and problems of the present and the immediate future. 
The prejudice is natural, for those who have never studied closely 
the civilization of any period of past history are more impressed by 
its superficial and therefore striking dissimilarities, and fail to ap- 
preciate the profounder and subtler unities of the moral and intel- 
lectual life. 

It is true, as an editorial in a peculiarly notorious morning 
paper tells us, that Solomon never had a bath in a porcelain tub, 
and went to bed by the light of a tallow dip, while the Queen of 
Sheba visited him riding in the hot sun on the back of a camel, 
but there were men of that race and age whose moral concepts are 
woven into the warp and woof of our daily conduct and whose very 
words are still clean-cut and crisp after the lapse of more than a 
score of centuries. 

If the appreciation of a difference is essential to the most ele- 
mentary processes of thought, the discovery of similarity, that unity 
in diversity which we call a "law" marks the highest triumph of 
imaginative discernment, and if it be in any sense true, as is so often 
stated, that the man who knows no language but his own cannot 
know even that well, the same holds with especial fitness in the 
study of social and political conditions. He who is familiar with 
the life of more than one great nation at more than a single period 
of its development has a background, a touchstone, a parallel and 

The Progressive Journal of Education 13 

an instance to clarify and sober his judgment of each present event 
and tendency, which the man who is all engrossed in the life at 
his elbow tips cannot so much as appreciate. At any given period 
the currents and counter-currents are so numerous, the longest 
possible period of personal observation at best so short and the dis- 
crimination between the deeper movements and the mere transitory 
phenomena so difficult, that the man who boasts overmuch of his 
up-to-dateness is very likely to have no real comprehension of the 
very life with which he so loudly professes to be perfectly con- 
versant. On the other hand the student of past civilizations which 
have left anything like adequate records has the whole sweep of 
events from first to last for his observation, can separate the funda- 
mental from the accidental, if not otherwise, at least by the mere 
fact of survival, while, if his range be but wide enough, he can 
find a time and a place where most if not all tendencies observable 
at this present time had, severally, each its opportunity to develop 
to its natural conclusion and so to disclose that true nature which 
is so often likely to be hidden by the medley of conflicting trends 
which make up our modern social life. 

The student of past civilizations has thus a vast and well- 
stocked museum in which to carry on his studies, while the mere 
up-to-date man has only what might be called a laboratory, were it 
not that he is privileged merely to observe demonstrations, and only 
if he be the rarest and most fortunate of men, occasionally allowed 
to take part in an experiment. It is the combination of Geology 
and Biology that has given us Palaeontology, the most illuminative 
of all natural sciences, or to change the figure, the telescope is quite 
as essential to the understanding of the Cosmos as the microscope. 

The field of Graeco-Roman civilization, to which I shall devote 
my attention, has for us a typical value. In that world are the 
fountain springs of our own culture, and vastly more than most men 
realize comes from it to us directly by borrowing and assimilation, 
or indirectly by stimulation and suggestion. It will be long, if ever, 
before we shall cease to draw new lessons and inspiration from 
some different aspect of its many-sided life. Nor is the field so 
narrow as many would suppose. It stretches over a millennium 
and a half and embraces the sharpest contrasts as well as the most 
varied developments. From Homer to Lucian is as great a step as 
from Chaucer to Bernard Shaw, and the contrast between the so- 
cial and political outlook of an Agamemnon, a Solon, a Pericles, an 
Alexander, a Tarquin, a Scipio, an Augustus and a Diocletian 
would be vivid in the extreme. 

It were superfluous to speak of what literature, the arts, science 
and philosophy owe this civilization, but even that one science — if it 
really yet deserves the name — which alone the Greeks cannot prop- 
erly claim to have founded or greatly to have advanced, Political 

14 The Progressive Journal of Education 

Economy, has learned much and may learn yet more from the same 
source. Rodbertus insisted that "we should refill our political life 
with more of the spirit of antiquity" ; Lorenz von Stein was never 
wearied of drawing parallels with the ancient world, declaring that 
"we re-live the past for ourselves in our study of what the ancients 
were and did"; Roscher as early as 1849 protested against the ex- 
treme individualism of the laissez-faire doctrine and called vigor- 
ously to mind the Political Economy of the Hellenes, "who, in the 
study of wealth, never made the error of forgetting mankind," and 
he recalled "with respect and gratitude" what Thucydides had 
taught him of Economics. 

In the general and wide-sweeping change which has come over 
the study of Political Economy, in which the unhindered operation 
of purely selfish and utilitarian principles of conduct has been con- 
demned and the demand made for a combination with moral and 
ethical considerations, a tendency which Sismondi, Roscher, Knies, 
Wagner, Sombart and Schmoller among many others have especially 
emphasized, accompanying their arguments by direct citations of the 
Greek economists and philosophers, the spirit of the best social 
thought of classical times has largely come to its own. Poehlmann 
rightly has traced in this , movement the closest relations to Plato 
and Aristotle, and Knies has himself shown that this tendency man- 
ifested itself just among those economists trained in the predom- 
inantly humanistic schools of western Europe. Was it not Aristotle 
himself who protested vigorously against the panta eateon 
(lit. laissez-faire) doctrine of the advanced individualism of his 
age? (Cf. Poehlmann, "Geschichte des Antiken Kommunismus und 
Sozialismus," I. 183; and "Aus Altertum und Gegenwart," p. 120 f.) 
You can of course contrast with this the notorious dictum of Cob- 
den who declared that there was more to learn in a single number 
of the "Times" than in all the books of Thucydides. But to put this 
remark in its proper setting must be added Cobden's other firm 
belief that all governments were permanent conspiracies whose ob- 
ject was to cajole and plunder the common people. To a man 
with so low and primitive a conception of the state it is not sur- 
prising that Thucydides contained nothing of interest. This stage 
of political development the Greeks had outlived, or perhaps better, 
had never experienced at all. 

How infinitely superior is the conception of the Hellenes, that 
in the state alone, extending its reach over all phases of life, the 
individual develops to his highest capacities. It was this very ideal 
which the great master of classical philology of the last century, 
August Boeckh, after years of profoundest study of Greek political 
and economic conditions, extracted as the most precious social les- 
son of antiquity, whose adoption he urged upon the Germany of his 
day — as he expressed it, "that we should widen our notion of the 

The Progressive Journal of Education 15 

state so as to feel that the state is that institution within which the 
whole virtue of humanity should be realized," words which express 
the highest socialistic ideals so perfectly that Ferdinand Lassalle 
took them over without change as embodying in classic form the 
essence of the socialistic doctrine of the state. 

When we now turn to consider what relations social conditions 
bear to political, how the different classes of society are related to 
one another and to the state, we are but treating the same problem 
which the ancient political and social science raised. Long ago 
Aristotle, following Plato, sought and found the cause for changes 
of constitutions and the new aspects which political parties assume 
in the economic and social conditions of the different classes of socie- 
ty. Aristotle taught that "the constitution is (i. e., is made or inter- 
preted by) the ruling class in society," and that states differ essen- 
tially only in so far as a capitalistic minority, the great mass of 
small property holders, or the proletariat, happen to form the ruling 
class, and whether each class is able when in power to carry 
through its whole program or is hampered by the vigorous opposi- 
tion of the other classes. So profoundly had Aristotle appreciated 
the importance of the economic element in the study of administra- 
tion that no less an authority than Lorenz von Stein asserted that 
his "Politics" will be for the Political Science of the future what 
Copernicus' "Organon" has been for astronomy, and again, "Aris- 
totle, following Plato, was the first to recognize property and its 
power as the irresistible factor in the formation of all positive po- 
litical constitutions; the man that does not know Aristotle is igno- 
rant of the meaning of property. It is time we recognize in him what 
he can rightfully claim as his true historical possession," and this 
is nothing less than the discovery of the so-called Materialistic In- 
terpretation of History in that province where its claims are, if any- 
where, safe against criticism — i. e., the development of forms of 

That which Aristotle saw so clearly was not recognized in 
modern times until after the French Revolution, when the world 
was surprised to see that the victors of the revolt — the Third Estate 
— did not represent the whole people, but that a fourth, the prop- 
ertyless class, came forward with a program and demands which in 
many particulars were fundamentally opposed to the interests of 
the Tiers Etat. It was this experience which gave the death blow 
to the theory that the state and the nation is but a mass of indi- 
viduals, each with the same or at least similar interests, instincts and 
opportunities, and neglected the notorious fact of the stratification 
of society into economic classes zvhose interests are inevitably and 
under the present system must remain more or less antagonistic to 
each other, in whatever way that antagonism may express itself, 
whether it be by protest, persuasion or action, and that peaceable or 

16 The Progressive Journal of Education 

revolutionary. Is it not strange that even to this day, when the 
waves of social, unrest are sweeping over the whole world, when 
even India and Japan, Turkey and Persia are following in the steps 
of Europe and America, there should yet remain, especially in edu- 
cated and wealthy circles, the old individualistic, atomistic con- 
ception of society, and that, too, though Aristotle's "Politics" has 
not been a sealed book, and the whole history of the last century 
and a quarter has but confirmed his views? 

If, then, Aristotle set down principles of social development 
which hold for the present, it needs must be that the society with 
which he was familiar had passed or was passing through these 
stages, and must therefore show phenomena highly analogous to 
those of our day. The basis of the ancient free state was the 
autonomy of its society — i. e., the sovereignty of that class of so- 
ciety which for the time being had control of the machinery of 
government. The elements of the organization of society — property 
and its distribution, the social forms and organizations — had such 
fundamental importance in all these relations that the development 
of the ancient state depended almost wholly on what class, capitalist, 
bourgeoisie or proletariat,* had the deciding influence in public life. 

The fatal results of this system are known in their harrowing 
details. After a longer or shorter period of bloom, following the 
political revolutions of the sixth and fifth centuries, during which 
the contrasts in wealth and prestige of the earlier period were di- 
minished and the poorer people enjoyed a tolerable, often an enjoy- 
able existence, there developed anew sharply defined economic 
classes which inevitably brought the democratic state into the throes 
of social revolution. The egoistic trend of commercial competition 
turned to the seizing of the organized power of the state as a lever- 
age for forcing through those measures which benefited its own in- 
terests, and every social antagonism was at once reflected in political 
life. The state became the arena of the savagest strife, where social 
classes fought one another with a ferocity rarely shown even to 
national foes, and the most frank and shameless professions of 
greed and self-interest became the rallying cry of political parties. 
Political differences changed everywhere into economic, open war 
was proclaimed between rich and poor, proletariat and property 
holder, till at length the tyranny of Macedon was introduced in an 
effort to preserve the social order even at the cost of national inde- 

The terms of the treaty, sworn to after Chaironeia in 338, are 
of profoundest significance, for by them the government of each 

♦EDITORIAL NOTE — These words are used in their strictly arbitrary 
sense, meaning, respectively, the large property holding class, the small 
property holding class, and the non-property holding class. In modern so- 
ciety capitalist and bourgeois mean the same. Of course, capitalism, as the 
term is now used, could only he possible since the coming of the capitalistic, 
or modern industrial, era of machine manufacture. 

The Progressive Journal of Education 17 

Hellenic state was forbidden "to put to death or banish the mem- 
bers of the opposing party without due process of law, to confis- 
cate property, redivide landed estates, or cancel debts." For the 
next two centuries the call for the forcible redistribution of prop- 
erty was the battle cry of the disinherited masses, until Rome vio- 
lently crushed the disturbances and with them the vital, fructifying 
life of Hellas for all time. 

On a vastly larger scale the same was enacted at Rome, where 
an imperialistic plutocracy through criminal mismanagement and 
neglect prepared the way for the desperate revolutions of the last 
century of the Republic, whose inevitable outcome could be Cae- 
sarism alone. There still rings from the first great epoch of this 
social revolution at Rome the cry of Tiberius Gracchus to the dis- 
inherited Roman proletariat in words which without a single change 
might be heard today in any social revolutionary gathering: "Even 
the beasts of the field have their lairs, but the citizens who have 
fought for the honor and the glory of the state have no place to 
lay their heads. Naught is left them save light and air. Is it not a 
burning insult when generals before battle dare to remind these 
men that they are fighting for their hearth and home, the altars and 
graves of their fathers? Where is their hearth and home, where 
the altars and graves of their fathers? It is not for their own 
homes, but for the lust and greed of others that they bleed and die, 
and these men who are styled the lords of earth cannot call a single 
clod their own." 

Can there be a better education to prepare us for the great 
social struggles of the present than the study of this period of 
Graeco-Roman civilization, where we can observe on a limited stage, 
in the simplest thoroughly comprehensible form, clear-cut as stat- 
uary, because in perfect openness and unrestraint, the factors and 
forces develop and work out their logical destiny, knowledge and 
appreciation of which in the field of the state and society is the 
prerequisite of all political education? How much easier it is to 
observe the causal relations in these fields, whose smaller size and 
less complicated constitution allowed forces to play in the quicker 
interchange of action and reaction, and so shortened the length of 
time which elapses between cause and effect in comparison with 
the vast and cumbrous states of modern society. The transforma- 
tion of political into social parties, which has only fairly begun 
nowadays and has not yet penetrated the whole of society, the 
wresting of the lawmaking, the law-enforcing and the law-inter- 
preting functions of the state to subserve the interests of a social 
class, these tendencies, which are in their incipiency in European 
and American civilization, were in that ancient world, with an im- 
pressive disregard of immediate consequences which characterized 
especially the Hellenic spirit, carried to their extremest logical con- 

18 The Progressive Journal of Education 

elusions, and that, too, not in a few years, but during a develop- 
ment which covered centuries and under the most diversified types 
of social organization that the world has ever had to show — aris- 
tocracy, oligarchy, plutocracy, democracy, republicanism, repre- 
sentative government, constitutional monarchy, absolutism with its 
attendant bureaucracy, and all conceivable combinations of polities, 
monarchical, aristocratic and democratic in mixed and varied pro- 
portions. The result was everywhere one and the same, the disin- 
tegration of society into mutually antagonistic social classes, whose 
violent struggles brought in a military dictatorship, under whose 
crushing weight the whole of ancient culture and civilization sank 
finally to the ground. 


Note: — The purpose of these articles is primarily to render accessible 
to an English speaking public the results of the best foreign scholarship 
of the last few decades. In so doing I follow, often very closely, the truly 
epoch-making writings of my former teacher, Professor Robert 
Pohlmann, of the University of Munich. Of his two great works, "Aus 
Altertum und Gegenwart," collected essays on the Social Aspects of An- 
tiquity, appeared in 1896; the first volume of his "Geschichte des antiken 
Kommunismus und Sozialismus" in 1893, the second in 1901, Other works 
of a general nature and of exceptional merit are: 
Eduard Meyer: Die wirtschaftliche Entwickelung des Altertums, Jena 1895, 

also in Conrad's Jahrbucher fur Nationalokonomik und Statistik, Ser. 

Ill, vol. 9, 1895, p. 696 ff. 
G. Salvioli: Le capitalisme dans le monde antique. Paris, 1906. 

The following may also be mentioned: 
G. Adler: Sozialreform im Altertum; Conrad's Handworterbuch der Staats- 

wissenschaften; Supplementband II, 1897, p. 694 ff. 
M. Weber: Die sozialen Griinde des Untergangs der antiken Kultur. Die 

Wahrheit, vol. VI, p. 65 ff. 
Cognetti de Martiis: II Socialismo Antico. Turin 1887. 
P. Guiraud: De l'importance des questions economiques dans l'antiquite. 

Revue internationale de l'enseignment, vol. VIII, p. 225 ff. 
Herter: Die sociale Frage des griechisch-romischen Altertums. Correspon- 

denzblatt fur die Gelehrten und Realschulen Wurttemburgs, 9 and 10, 

1882, p. 373 ff. 
U. Pestalozzi: La Vita economica dalla fine del secolo VII alia fine del IV 

secolo avanti Cristo. Milan 1901. 

The Progressive Journal of Education 19 

An Economic Interpretation of 
American History 

By A. M. Simons. 


Industrial Conditions at the Beginning of the American 

[EDITORIAL NOTE — This series of papers, which gives a 
view of United States history not to be found in any of the school 
histories, began in the December, 1908, number of this periodical. 
The first volume of the Progressive Journal, containing the first 
seven of the articles, can be furnished either bound or unbound.] 

At the birth of the United States government in 1789 there was 
little industrial foundation for national solidarity. The ruling 
classes of the different states had been brought together by the 
common fear of a proletarian uprising and the common need for a 
central government for the furtherance of a few immediate inter- 
ests. It was easily possible that another decade might see these 
interests so divergent that the central government would fall to 
pieces of its own weight. The only thing that could prevent this 
was the growth of a national industrial life. 

The foundation of any general industrial solidarity must be 
looked for in the conditions of communication. The method of 
transporting goods determines the extent of the market, and in any 
industrial stage the size of the market, for the great staples will 
have much to do with determining the extent of the political unit. 
When Washington took the presidential chair transportation in the 
United States was but little different from what it was in Rome 
when she was mistress of the known world. If any advantage ex- 
isted it was in favor of the earlier civilization, for the Roman com- 
merce of Caesar moved over highways whose very ruins are the 
wonder and admiration of modern engineers, while American com- 
merce in Washington's day was painfully dragged over corduroy 
roads, through nnbridged rivers and morasses of mud, that made 
any extensive profitable interchange of goods over long distances 
unthinkable. It was less expensive to exchange goods between 
Massachusetts and China than between Boston and Tennessee. 

The arrangements for the transmission of intelligence were 
little more effective than for the carrying of merchandise. When 
independence was declared there were but twenty-eight .postoffices 
within the boundaries of the thirteen colonies. Fourteen years later, 

20 The Progressive Journal of Education 

in the second year of Washington's first term, when the adminis- 
tration of the new government was fairly under way, there were 
still but seventy-five. Yet the population was over three million. 

The rates of postage were so high as to be almost prohibitive. 
For a single sheet of paper going less than thirty miles, the rate 
was six cents. From this point the postage rapidly rose, until to 
send a single sheet more than 450 miles cost twenty-five cents. 

Four-fifths of the population were engaged in agriculture; or 
perhaps it would be more nearly correct to say that what was then 
considered agriculture embraced four-fifths of the industrial life. 
These farmers harvested their grain with sickles like those Ruth 
saw in the fields of Boaz. They threshed their grain with a flail, 
such as their Aryan ancestors brought from the plains of Central 
Asia when they set out upon that long westward march, of which 
the colonization of America was the latest and longest step. Al- 
though Jefferson was engaged in the first attempt ever made to 
mathematically calculate the form of a plow which should do its 
work with the least expenditure of energy, two generations were to 
pass away before plows constructed on scientific principles were to 
be found on American farms. 

Cattle, horses, hogs and sheep were of a character that no 
modern farmer would permit to encumber his fields. Cattle were 
kept almost exclusively for their hides and as draft animals, 
although here and there in New England some butter and cheese 
were made. They were seldom stabled or fed, and winter swept 
them away with epidemics of "hollow horn." Although Messenger, 
the founder of the American Hambletonian trotting horse, was im- 
ported in 1788, and Justin Morgan, the sire of the once famous 
Morgan horses, was born in 1793, yet as a whole the horses of the 
United States were insignificant in numbers and character. Con- 
siderable effort had been made to improve the breed of sheep, be- 
cause of the pressing need of a domestic supply of wool for weav- 
ing. Several states had passed laws to encourage sheep-breeding 
and forbidding their slaughter for food, while the first Merinos 
were imported in 1793. 

Nor did manufactures show many signs of improvement over 
the methods which had been in vogue for centuries. In England 
the Industrial Revolution was in full swing. But England was 
jealously guarding the mechanical secrets that were fast making 
her the industrial mistress of the world. In spite of this, the very 
same year that the political machinery of the United States govern- 
ment was first set in motion, Samuel Slater landed in America from 
England, carrying in his head the plans of the new machinery for 
weaving and spinning. One year later the first cotton mill in the 
New World was started at Pawtucket, Rhode Island. 

Until the establishment of this factory only woolen cloth had 

The Progressive Journal of Education 21 

been made in the United States, and this was produced almost ex- 
clusively in the households of the farmers and village workers. 
Here and there the looms were being gathered into factories. The 
processes of carding and spinning were even further along on the 
road toward the factory stage. The Revolution, like every war, 
had acted like a hotbed in forcing the growth of such budding in- 
dustries as supplied army contracts. The demand for uniforms and 
blankets tended especially to push the weaving industry along the 
road towards the factory system. 

Iron and steel were produced by methods that would not have 
seemed strange to the ancient artificers who prepared the materials 
for the metal workers of the Middle Ages. But the stacks were 
growing larger; the "puddling" methods of producing steel had 
just been invented, and in general this industry, like all others, 
showed signs of the coming change. 

In thousands of New England homes were to be found the 
miniature forges and anvils around which the farmer and his fam- 
ily, including young children, engaged in the manufacture of nails. 
Jeremiah Wilkinson's machine for making cut nails was invented 
the year before the signing of the Declaration of Independence, but 
it had not as yet found its way into the world of industry. 

The shoemaking industry had already begun to concentrate in 
the Massachusetts cities, where it is now located. The tools of the 
trade were still the lapstone, last, awl and waxed-end — as they had 
been for a thousand years and more. 

While, superficially, industry seemed to be sleeping the sleep 
which it had slept for centuries, signs of awakening were evident 
on every hand. Shipbuilding and commerce had already reached 
the stage of great industries. The ships of New England were 
turning watery furrows in every corner of the ocean, while her 
merchants were among the most powerful in the world. It was the 
owners of these industries who were accumulating the capital 
which, invested in the machinery of the Industrial Revolution, was 
destined, a generation later, to change the whole face of social life. 

Moreover, this machinery was everywhere making its rude be- 
ginnings. In England inventions for the production of power and 
its application to spinning, carding and weaving, were already ap- 
proaching completion. In 1790 Fitch's steamboat was making reg- 
ular trips up and down the Delaware. But he was still looked upon 
as a half-insane crank, and was destined to reap the usual reward 
which the competitive system bestows upon those who perform 
great social services, while another man and generation were to 
utilize his ideas and reap the benefit of his genius. 

In transportation a perfect mania for turnpikes and canals was 
raging. Nearly every state had from one to a dozen such projects 
under construction — or discussion. The stock of turnpike and canal 

22 The Progressive Journal of Education 

companies rivaled the certificates of the public debt as a medium for 
speculative gambling. 

Population had begun to move over the Alleghenies at a rapid 
rate. The western settlements were still largely confined to Ken- 
tucky and Tennessee, and contained few settlers from any of the 
northern states. The wealth, population and apparent industrial 
strength of the northern and southern states were almost exactly 
equal at this time, with the advantages, if at all, with the south. 

Tobacco was still the principal southern crop. Cotton was as 
yet ginned by hand, making it unprofitable to raise anywhere, save 
in the tidewater region. We are not surprised to learn, therefore, 
that there was a strong abolition sentiment throughout Virginia and 
Maryland, where the tobacco plantations were scarcely worth work- 
ing and where slaves seldom brought more than a couple of hun- 
dred dollars. 

This was the industrial situation when George Washington 
became the first president of the United States. We shall see, in 
the next paper of this series, how these conditions expressed them- 
selves politically, and how political conditions were used to further 
certain phases of industrial development. 




It is generally accepted by all concerned that the United States 
is in the midst of a revolution in education ; that the obsolete sys- 
tem that has projected itself down for so many years from a pre- 
vious social stage into present industrial society is scheduled now to 
go ; that the new educational system must conform with the 
demands of the new industrial society that has developed in the last 
fifty years in this country. That this change is coming — is even 
now in process — there is almost unanimity of opinion among edu- 
cators, among industrial captains, and among the masses. 

So far, so good: education must be made to conform with the 
demands of modern society. But there is more than one demand; 
in fact, there are two distinctly antagonistic demands With which 
shall the new education conform? 

What are these two antagonistic demands of industrial society? 

First — the BUSINESS demand, which requires that the pupil 

The Progressive Journal of Education 23 

be equipped in school as a perfect machine to lake a certain place in 
the manufacture and sale of goods, and that all other forms of edu- 
cation that might tend to make him less obedient to the requirements 
of trade be dispensed with. 

Second — the SOCIAL demand, which requires that, while the 
pupil must be equipped to perform effectively his share of the 
world's work in some specified department of activity, he shall also 
be so educated that he will become a thinking, cognizant unit in 
society, capable of understanding society and helping to guide its 

If the first demand triumphs, it is inevitable that social stagna- 
tion will result; that society will become permanently stratified — 
one class owning and managing the earth, the other class doing the 
work, with the sole ambition of working and being fed. 

If the second demand triumphs, a thinking working class will 
see to it that social evolution is not impeded, that the interests of 
the whole people are conserved and that industry becomes more 
and more democratized, to the end that mankind may be happier 
and healthier and wiser. 

It is by no means certain which form of the new education 
will win. The business demand is championed by the class which 
now completely rules society, which possesses the powers of gov- 
ernment — legislative, administrative and judicial — and also the pow- 
ers (to a more or less extent) of the press and of the pulpit. If 
the social demand triumphs, the educational system will have to be 
literally wrested away from the capitalist class. 

The fighters on the side of progress in this momentous conflict, 
on the outcome of which the very form of future civilization de- 
pends, will have to be the educators of the country and the toiling 
masses. These two forces, working together, can triumph. The 
future depends upon what they do. 

It is this conflict that has called the Progressive Journal of 
Education into existence. It is important that its message reach 
both educators and masses alike. 


Two events now transpiring in different quarters of the globe 
form excellent topics wherein the progressive teacher may lead ad- 
vanced pupils to know something concerning the nature of modern 
society and the direction which its tendencies are taking. We refer 
to the Spanish war in Morocco and to the general strike in Sweden. 
These subjects will be considered here, one after the other, but no 
effort will be made to do more than barely outline each. 

Of course, the progressive teacher has already made his class 

24 The Progressive Journal of Education 

understand that historical events in the main have their causes in 
economic fact; that national movements of conquest are due to the 
desire of the ruling class of a nation to gain material things, and 
that all history has mainly to do with the struggle between classes 
— either between the ruling classes of rival countries or between 
the ruling class of a country and its own lower or subjected classes — 
in short, that a nation's history is the history of the struggles of 
its classes. 

The Spanish war in Morocco is a fair illustration of how the 
ruling class of a nation makes history by fighting another in order 
to gain wealth. Spanish capitalists had formed a company to ex- 
ploit the mines in the mountains which lie back a few miles from 
the Moorish coast. This company started to build a railway from 
Melilla, on the coast, to these mountains. The Moors objected to 
this intrusion in their ancient country. Armed forces gathered to 
destroy the railway. Immediately the Spanish government, at the 
request of its ruling class, the capitalists, sent a large army to de- 
feat the Moors and to silence their objections. 

But there was an antagonism between classes in Spain 
itself — between the class of rich capitalists and aristocrats, who 
controlled the government, and the class of industrial toilers, who 
created all wealth and who had to pay the cost of the Moroccan 
campaign — either in blood or toil. 

Manifestly the Moroccan war was against the interests of this 
class of toilers, so in Catalonia and other northern provinces they 
rebelled. The master class had all the advantage, so the uprising 
was quickly crushed and the Moroccan war went on to a successful 

The Swedish general strike illustrates a vastly more important 
phase of the struggle between classes which is making history at the 
present time, being as it was a part of the world-wide conflict be- 
tween the two classes into which industrial society everywhere has 
divided itself — the possessing, or capitalist class, and the non-pos- 
sessing, or working class. 

Sweden is a poor country at the best — the conflict between 
Man and Nature in the production of wealth still being acute — so 
that the workers, of the country have a hard time producing a suf- 
ficient amount to enrich the possessing class and leave enough for 
self-support. Perhaps on account of the acuteness of this conflict 
the working class of Sweden is better organized than in any other 
country. Of late years, through their trade unions, the workers 
have been able seriously to embarrass their masters, forcing them 
to give back more and more of the fruits of toil. But the coming 
of the world-wide industrial depression gave the employers a chance 
to strike a crushing blow at the unions. On account of the wide- 
spread unemployment which followed the panic, the working class 

The Progressive Journal of Education 25 

was placed still nearer to starvation and its power to resist oppres- 
sion greatly lessened. Then came blow after blow at the unions, 
ending finally in the general lockout. The workers retaliated by the 
general strike. 

Now comes the really significant fact. No sooner had the 
plight of their Swedish brothers been made known than the work- 
ing classes of all the other industrial countries began to send funds 
to their aid. Thousands of dollars began to pour in from Den- 
mark, Norway, Germany, France, England, Austria, Italy, the ( 
United States and even Russia and down-trodden Finland. The 
toilers of the whole world had become conscious of their mutual 
interest and of the necessity of standing shoulder to shoulder in the 
great conflict. 

This is of tremendous significance. It means that the work- 
ing class of the world is getting ready to make itself the ruling class, 
and that it is acquiring the intelligence and the spirit of solidarity 
necessary to accomplish this result. 

But the working class can make itself the dominant class only 
by abolishing the other class — that is, by taking over and itself pos- 
sessing through public ownership the vast properties for the pro- 
duction of wealth which are now in the hands of the capitalist class. 
And this is exactly the ultimate program asserted by the Swedish 

The teacher who can make his advanced pupils understand just 
what the world and its problems really are will be doing the great- 
est possible service to society. 

Medical Inspection in Public 

By Louis W. Rapeer, 
Professor of Education, University of Washington, Seattle. 

Medical inspection in the public schools rests solidly upon two 
great phases of progress of the last half century — the revolution of 
medicine from a kind of semi-quackery to that of an all-important 
and established science, and the change from the man to the ma- 
chine in industry with the consequent unparalleled growth of large 
cities. Of course, other influences have been potent, such as the 
evolution of modern child-psychology and sociology, but the two 
above mentioned are basic. 

We Americans have become so used to change and almost 
magical progress along certain lines that we should have little sur- 
prise if communication with Mars were some day established or 

26 The Progressive Journal of Education 

the propulsion of a great ship around the world with a gram of 
radium were accomplished ; we do not keep track of progress made 
in our efforts to accomplish further development. But many peo- 
ple can recall, on occasion, the time when night air was consid- 
ered dangerous ; when tuberculosis was considered an inherited 
malady ; when spinal curvature was said to be "due to a fall" ; 
when deaf children were considered stubborn and willful, and the 
child of defective vision or the one suffering from a lack of air 
due to enlarged tonsils or adenoids was made to wear the dunce 
cap or "stay in after school," if nothing worse ; when measles and 
scarlet fever were "diseases every child should have" ; when diph- 
theria was a kind of quinsy or croup ; when germs were practically 
an unknown mystery, and when physicians were merely for the 
purpose of curing or exorcising existing disease and not to pre- 
vent it. 

Since 1880 practically all of this ignorance and awesome mys- 
tery suggested above has been swept into the rubbish heap of the 
past. Today in medicine there is "a new heaven and a new earth." 
For in these years Koch has discovered the bacillus of tuberculosis ; 
Ebereth, the organism of typhoid fever ; Klebs, the bacillus of 
diphtheria ; Kitasarto, the bacillus of tetanus ; Lavarin, that fever 
came not from "night air," but from the bills of ubiquitous mos- 
quitoes ; Fehleisen, the streptococcus of erysipelas ; and Pasteur, 
with hundreds of other scientists down to those of the Rockefeller 
Institute, have laid bare the secrets of health and disease that have 
baffled the ages. Recently, a consecrated army physician has even 
discovered that a very large majority of the "poor, no-account 
white trash" of the South are what they are because of the debili- 
tating effects of the "hook worm." Thus even what has long been 
termed "laziness" and "shiftlessness" in these people is coming 
within the influence of curative and preventive medicine. 

This new knowledge coming to the schools has created 
the science of school hygiene, a tremendously important science 
having directly to do with the welfare, efficiency and happiness of 
future generations. Ventilation, exercise, playgrounds, heating, 
lighting, cleaning, adjusting school seats, number of hours of study 
and their proper distribution, the need of physical work, defects of 
sight, hearing, breathing, feeding and clothing; in all these par- 
ticulars and many more the schools of the past have been found 
inadequate, and the physician's knowledge and skill necessary to 
remedy. Progressive normal schools have begun systematic in- 
struction for actual or intending teachers in the elements of personal 
and municipal health, children's diseases and defects, body training, 
and all the essentials of school hygiene. And soon all American 
teachers will be examined as much upon their knowledge of how 
to prevent the deaths of our hundred thousand school children who 

The Progressive Journal of Education 27 

perish each year as upon their knowledge of how to prevent 
twelve-year-old children from failing in examinations on the sub- 
junctive mood or cube root. 

Increase of medical knowledge has made possible a tremendous 
improvement in the prevention of death, disease, retardation and 
wasted lives among school children; but it has been the concentra- 
tion of millions of people in our congested cities that has forced the 
application of this knowledge to actual school conditions. The 
wonderful inventive genius of the Yankee has turned the world 
upside down. The old isolated and individualistic life has passed 
away. Wonderful machines for transportation, communication, 
manufacture, agriculture, and even recreation, along with com- 
bines, corporations, specialization and infinite division of labor, have 
made possible these city conditions ; and today we have half of our 
population, and east of the Alleghenies about three-fourths* of our 
American population living in these unnatural conditions. And to 
complicate matters, we have millions of immigrants, ignorant of all 
laws of health and destitute of modern ideals crowding into the 
already overcrowded cities, and, "like worms in a knot," creating 
our slums. 

This is the problem of the school : to develop into social effi- 
ciency in these conditions and with present knowledge the future 
American people. Not one city has been built with the children in 
mind — even the streets are not left long for play — but all have 
been built by business for business. It is now time that the in- 
ventive Yankee and the new American turn some of their frenzied 
energies and genius into making the city a place in which people 
(and children) may live as well as do business. 

In the school, medical inspection will be the beginning, the 
entering wedge, of this new movement toward making the cities 
inhabitable and men healthier. Of course, this is a semi-socialistic 
movement, but the zvhole tendency of modern education is semi- 
socialistic. The school itself is our most socialized institution ; and 
the school is the only institution by which the new knowledge for 
the new conditions may be thoroughly popularized, made a part of 
the common people's thought and habits of living*. And further- 
more, the school is the only institution which amalgamates all races, 
sects, traditions and "'previous conditions of servitude" into the 
new American. It is the only institution in which the people as a 
whole have implicit confidence, amounting almost to a fetich. Says 
John Dewey, the great prophet of modern education : 

"Education is the one thing in which the American people be- 
lieve without reserve, and to which they are without reserve com- 
mitted. Indeed, I sometimes think that the necessity of education 

*New York is 72 per cent urban, Illinois 54 per cent, Massachusetts 91 
per cent, and Rhode Island 95 per cent. 

28 The Progressive Journal of Education 

is the only settled article in the shifting and confused social and 
moral creed of America." 

If the workingmen of America wish to promote the spread of 
the benefits of public education among themselves and all the peo- 
ple they will do well to see to the establishment in every school 
system of a department of school hygiene including medical inspec- 
tion. It is not a fad, but a social movement for human better- 

In the June number of this periodical we spoke of how the 
playground movement is sweeping the country and even the world. 
But medical inspection is more fundamental, broader; and medical 
inspection quickly shows the need for play, recreation and directed 
physical work like manual training and domestic science. It has 
preceded the playground movement by several years, although it 
was shunted off the educational path in many systems by making it 
a part of the duties of the health departments and so dividing re- 
sponsibilities and bringing in bad politics. 

Medical inspection of this form was established in Boston in 
1890; in Philadelphia, 1892; Chicago, 1896; New York, 1897. 
Since, it has spread to a great many smaller cities of the country. 

The agitation for medical inspection began in Europe as early 
as 1830. Since then school physicians have been appointed in many 
cities of France, Holland, Sweden, Belgium, Germany and Aus- 
tria, and have been doing good work even in Egypt, Japan, Argen- 
tina, Russia and many other countries. It has progressed very 
slowly in the United States under the pressure of the two forces 
mentioned above, but bids fair to become soon the most powerful 
means of combating disease and degeneracy,' and of raising the 
national standard of mental and manual efficiency and skill. 

To show the scope of the movement of which medical inspec- 
tion (or medical supervision, as it is perhaps better called when 
under direction of the public school system and vitally connected 
with educational procedure) is a part we can do no better than 
quote Professor Snedden's statement of the work of a department 
of physical education: 

"The work of such a department should embrace at least the 
following lines: (a) Inspection for contagious diseases and fixing 
of quarantine. This work now performed by the board of health 
might still be retained by it, or, if transferred, should require clos- 
est co-operation with the board of health, for in this respect the 
entire community is immediately concerned, (b) Examinations of 
school children for defects and procuring remedies therefor. 
Glasses, surgical operations, etc., should be required of parents 
unless these could show inability to provide the same, in which 
case the community must bear the expense; and the enforcement 
of the doctor's prescriptions requires the school nurse, (c) Med- 

The Progressive Journal of Education 29 

ical supervision of the conditions of school education, such as fur- 
niture, lighting, drinking facilities, sanitaries, print of books, hours 
of instruction, program of work, methods of teachers (in so far as 
these react harmfully on children), lunch rooms, playgrounds, games, 
etc. (d) Supervision of teachers to the end that these are them- 
selves preserved in good physical condition, that their teaching ai^d 
control conform to the requirements of hygiene, and that they are 
equipped to impart necessary instruction in hygiene. * * * 
(e) Administration of games, physical exercises and special forms 
of physical instruction." 

Such work will soon be a compulsory part of all good American 
schools ; and the state of Massachusetts has paved the way by mak- 
ing medical inspection, with some examination, a compulsory fea- 
ture of all school systems. Boston has perhaps the best system in 
the country under the supervision of the greatest leader of the 
movement, Dr. Thomas Harrington. His free reports, as well as* 
that of Superintendent Maxwell of New York City for 1907, and 
the book by Dr. Luther Gulick on "Medical Inspection of Schools," 
should be in the hands of every promoter of the social welfare. 

The first twenty nurses in Boston during the first semester of 
school in 1908 reported the following cases among the school chil- 
dren attended to: 

"Diseases of: ear, 1,492 cases cared for; eye, 6,078 cases cared 
for, including 3,649 suffering from defective vision, of whom 
1,131 were corrected by oculists; nose, 2,602 cases, of which 1,405 
had adenoids, 423 of whom had obstructions removed; mouth, 1,765 
cases, including 1,686 who had carious teeth; throat, 1,695 cases, 
including 683 of hypertrophied tonsils, and 608 of tonsilitis; skin, 
10,139 cases, all of which were followed to their homes and the 
parent or guardian instructed how to care for the same." 

Over seven thousand home visits were made to instruct parents, 
and hundreds of cases of malnutrition, renal disease, rachitis, epi- 
lepsy, chorea, anemia and heart disease were treated. When we 
remember that on the average seventy-five per cent of the school 
children in our large cities are of foreign parentage, we see the 
great need of medical inspection, including the home instructions of 
the visiting nurse. As principal of a large public school in Minne- 
apolis for several years, I learned that the above figures correspond 
to the actual conditions. In fact, I would almost be willing to 
guarantee to pick out in any school room in the country which has 
not had the advantage of medical inspection two children whom 
their teachers and parents find dull, continually suffering from 
colds and ill health because of adenoids alone. So, if we are citi- 
zens responsive to the needs of the age and the cries of the little 
children, medical inspection will not long be delayed. 

To be brief, this discussion will be concluded with a few 

30 The Progressive Journal of Education 

rather dogmatic statements of facts which seem to stand out in re- 
lation to this problem in the hope that they will prevent wasteful 
experiments in the wrong direction and promote the efficiency of 
the work : 

1. Medical inspection, or medical supervision, should be in 
charge of the board of education and school authorities. 

2. The need of medical supervision is not confined to the city, 
but exists in the country and small villages, but not to so great an 
extent. Like industrial education and other phases of school work, 
medical inspection will spread from the cities to the country schools. 

3. The first step to take in this work after it has been decided 
upon is the appointment of a competent director — a man who is 
not only a physician, a physical trainer and teacher, but a social 
leader. Such a man is hard to find now, and when found must be 
paid a good salary, not "on the same schedule with the high school 
teachers," as one superintendent recently proposed, but on the 
schedule of the superintendent himself if possible. 

4. Teachers must be instructed in their professional training 
before and after entering the service in the laws of personal and 
public hygiene, and in the relation of medical supervision to public 
welfare. Any teacher can in a week learn either from clinics for 
the purpose or from a good medical text on children's diseases how 
to diagnose defects of vision, hearing, adenoids, enlarged tonsils, 
anemia and several other diseases, and how to get the parents to 
have the children treated after being notified. 

5. The school nurses are an almost indispensable adjunct to 
the school and should be a part of every system of medical super- 
vision. They do the work which the teacher with her forty or fifty 
children to teach cannot well do — make examinations, report cases, 
take children to clinic or dispensary, and instruct parents in the 

6. The people should be led to feel a need for medical super- 
vision in the schools by a judicious use of the newspapers, circular 
letters, lectures at the school and churches, exhibits and the like. 
Many social experiments have failed because there was not first 
developed a conscious need in the minds of the people for a change., 

7. Finally, the educators, especially our superintendents of 
schools, should be more conscious of their place as leaders of social 
opinion, not follozuers, and as experts guiding the people, and not 
entirely as politicians following the detailed instructions of laymen. 
Wherever there are real leaders with social intelligence, social re- 
sponsiveness and social efficiency, there medical supervision will 
take its proper place as an educational agency. 

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